CAPITAL MARKETS RESEARCH CENTER
ROBERT EMMETT MCDONOUGH SCHOOL OF BUSINESS
GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY
OCTOBER 28, 1999
INTRODUCTION - David A. Walker
Director, Capital Markets Research
Center
I want to welcome you
to the first New York Executive Policy Seminar for the Capital Markets
Research Center. This is something that we have planned to do for
a while. I would like to thank the New York Yankees for not competing
with us tonight!
Twenty years ago, I
joined the Georgetown Business School faculty as a full-time finance professor.
One of the major reasons for our success at the school is the support that
we have had from business executives; one of those is our guest tonight,
Joseph Connor.
Joe has been a member
of Georgetown’s Board of Trustees and the school’s Board of Visitors.
When he was chairman of Price Waterhouse, he arranged for some of the seed
money to begin what is now the Capital Markets Research Center.
After he completed
his term as chairman at Price Waterhouse, Joe accepted the most pain that
Georgetown could inflict. It’s even worse than facing those who are
soliciting money. Joe became a distinguished professor. That’s
not bad, but he had to teach intermediate accounting!
I had the adjoining
office to his and we became friends and I tried to learn from his experience.
President Clinton and Secretary of State Warren Christopher convinced Joe
to leave Georgetown and to accept his current position at the United Nations
where he is undersecretary general for administration and management.
Only from the position of teaching intermediate accounting could somebody
have convinced Joe to accept this responsibility at the UN.
Joe has also served
as chairman of the U.S. Council for International Business and he was president
of the International Chamber of Commerce. He graduated from the University
of Pittsburgh and then went on and earned an M.S. in business at Columbia.
Joe’s going to talk
to us tonight about the global challenges facing the United Nations and
we know they are significant. This is going to be a rare opportunity
for us to hear about this environment.
Joe, it is an
honor to introduce you, to have you join our Executive Policy Seminar program
and most of all to call you a friend. Thank you for being with us.
ADDRESS - Joseph E. Connor
Undersecretary-General for Administration
and Management
United Nations
The UN has always asked
the United States to nominate one of its citizens to be an undersecretary-general.
Ralph Bunch was the most distinguished and the longest serving, but the
post was different then. When the Secretary of State asked if he
could nominate me, who could say no? Secretary Christopher told me
he was looking for a businessman and especially an accountant, and he also
told me I was the only accountant he knew who was a Democrat. My
job is to balance the books, and the Secretary-General warned me not to
expect the Nobel Prize for bookkeeping.
Beyond my specific
responsibilities in finance and management, I serve as a member of the
Secretary General’s cabinet and participate in determining policy for the
entire United Nations.
UN ACCOMPLISHMENTS AND CHALLENGES
The UN has accomplishments
and challenges. Despite what you hear, the United Nations does many
things well, not perfectly, but well. The UN has led efforts to end
the system of apartheid in South Africa by mobilizing international public
opinion through an arms embargo imposed the Security Council.
Since 1951, the UN
has protected and assisted more than 30 million refugees from war, famine,
and persecution. There are now millions of refugees, mostly women
and children, to whom the UN provides shelter, medical assistance and education,
as they await resettlement or repatriation, and many of them have been
waiting a long time.
Recently during a hearing
in front of one U.S. Congressional committee, the Members were discussing
UN reform. One Congressman, who had heretofore been silent, rose and delivered
an unforgettable statement. He said: “The UN may have its faults,
but I was born in a UN refugee camp, and I owe my life to that organization.”
The United Nations
Children’s Fund, UNICEF, and the World Health Organization have immunized
80 percent of the world’s children against the six killer diseases:
polio, tetanus, measles, whooping cough, diphtheria and tuberculosis.
The lives of three million children are saved each year. Twenty million
people would have died of smallpox if the UN program had not eradicated
that disease.
One UN program has substantially improved
literacy rates among women in the developing world. Since 1970, the
literacy rate has increased from 36 percent to approximately 55 percent.
UN conferences for
twenty years have increased global awareness of global problems:
the environment, population, social issues, and housing conditions.
No one should fail to recognize the special needs of women, that were emphasized
in the Beijing conference several years ago.
The UN does a good job bringing attention
to those individuals and countries that many others would prefer to forget.
Moreover, the UN has obviously helped to maintain international peace.
Today the UN has 35
peacekeeping missions in the field. Sometimes they are peacekeeping forces,
and sometimes they serve as observer missions. They have often been
able to restore a measure of calm while a solution to a conflict is developed.
The recent successes include: the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan,
the end of the Civil War in El Salvador, and the emergence of a very shaky
government in Cambodia.
We have also had some
spectacular failures. In Somalia we could not create a government
when the warring parties did not want one.
The UN outreached its
grasp trying to keep peace in the Former Yugoslavia, where there was no
peace to keep. NATO had the limited mandate the UN was not
given, and NATO had a well-equipped military component with response capability.
The UN has defined human rights’ standards, promoted and protected human
rights, and aided in the process of democratization in Haiti, Mozambique,
Nicaragua, Colombia, the Congo, and Ethiopia. We have helped keep
many countries from complete collapse, and who else was ready to do so?
At the turn of the
new millennium, the United Nations, like other international institutions,
has to address some new challenges. We have to account for the changes
in the political landscape of the world, especially since the end of the
Cold War, and to address the impact of rapid globalization of world affairs.
In a world of increasing specialization,
we also must refocus our attention to what a global organization is best
suited to accomplish, versus spreading ourselves too thin. We have
to rethink how we respond to the political, human rights and humanitarian
crises affecting so much of the world, about the means employed by the
international community in situations of need, and on our willingness to
act in some areas of conflict. We may need to limit ourselves to
humanitarian needs and other crises whose daily death toll and suffering
demand action.
We all breathe in our
global village and we are confronted with new realities. State sovereignty
in its most basic sense is being redefined by the forces of globalization
and international cooperation.
The UN has a monopoly;
we are the only universal organization in the world and we are focusing
on our four business lines: peace and security, humanitarian intervention,
human rights, and equitable economic and social development. The
Security Council members direct the Secretary General ‘s actions on these
four issues and the International War Crimes Tribunal.
PEACE AND PROSPERITY
The Secretary General
often says that we must find new ways to defeat the age-old deterrents
to peace and prosperity. We are going to succeed if we adapt our
organization to a world with new responsibilities and new possibilities
for peace and progress.
We are restoring the
organization to its leading role in the pursuit of peace and security.
There is clearly a need to revitalize and restructure the Security Council
to reflect the political realities of the world at the beginning of the
new millennium.
A restructured Council
is needed to deal effectively with the core challenges in the next century.
Most of the new conflicts that have erupted since 1991 have been
civil ones. Instead of maintaining a cease fire while waiting for
the political solution to be negotiated, we are often deployed to help
implement a fledgling political settlement.
While still actively involved in the area of conflict prevention, the United Nations has increasingly been called upon to serve as peacekeepers in conflicts of civil and ethnic origin in situations where there simply is no peace to keep. The UN has repeatedly and successfully been engaged in missions where it provided the organizational backbone in the transformation of societies from autocratic to democratic governments. Namibia and Cambodia serve as examples, and hopefully East Timor can be added to this list where the UN will be instrumental in providing assistance in public administration and good government. The prevention of conflict begins and ends with the protection of human life and the promotion of human development.
HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION
Experience shows that
once crises erupt, the international community can move swiftly to address
the suffering of innocent civilian victims. The international community
is to be commended for its rapid response to conflicts and large-scale
emergencies.
Humanitarian aid does
not exist in a vacuum. We are often confronted with a natural disaster
that compounds manmade disasters of war and tyranny. In those situations
we have to ask ourselves whether we doing enough.
In refocusing our efforts
towards more rapid, equitable, all-encompassing humanitarian assistance,
the UN has already made substantial progress to deliver comprehensive and
coordinated responses to those most in need and we will continue to do
so.
Another more active
and responsive aspect of humanitarian assistance has to be addressed.
The United Nations has to be the champion of the development of an international
norm in favor of intervention to protect civilians from wholesale slaughter.
The tragic events in
Bosnia, Rwanda and Kosovo illustrate the need to resolve this issue.
Those on the Security Council who convinced the Chinese to support the
humanitarian intervention in East Timor deserve credit.
HUMAN RIGHTS
The prevention of conflict
begins and ends with the protection of human life and the promotion of
human development. Human security is, on the broadest sense, a major
challenge. We are aggressively safeguarding and guaranteeing the
human rights. The United Nations has been adapting its human rights
machinery in response to the changing demands of the international community.
During the Cold War, the UN created the institutional structures for international
human rights protection, while supporting the vast process of decolonization.
This led to the birth of more than 80 new independent nations.
Landmark UN action
like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights provided the blueprint for
universally establishing the collective right to self-determination.
There is widespread recognition that the 50-year investment in promoting
economic development and human rights requires new impetus to secure broader
economic and social rights.
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT
Extreme poverty and
exclusion from economic, political and cultural life continue to be the
fate of millions in both developing and developed countries. The
UN has increasingly emphasized the right to development, which can provide
the basics for a strategy of a more comprehensive human rights program.
The UN is intensifying its efforts to refocus its human rights program,
shifting its main concern to implementation. The Secretary General
has placed human rights at the heart of the work of the organization as
part of his wide-ranging program to enhance to the effectiveness of the
UN.
On the eve of this
new millennium, the needs and aspirations of the great many people can
still be expressed simply and starkly: safe water, shelter from violence
and nature, enough food for the family, employment, and schooling for the
children. Much of the world’s population still wish they lived in
a state that does not oppress its citizens but rules with their consent.
These things are denied to hundreds of millions of people in our global
economy.
Globalization has tended
to increase and not diminish differences between the haves and the have-nots.
There is a continuing challenge to the United Nations and the assistance
it renders towards equitable, sustainable economic and social development.
The UN has been accused
of being pro-abortion. The UN does not support abortion. We
do have active, successful economic development programs in family planning.
The UN will continue
to play its role as it has successfully done in the past to provide a framework
to reduce poverty. Eradicating poverty is one of the central goals
of the UN and its agencies, but its achievement remains elusive.
While declining aid flows are part of the problem, increasing aid is not
a panacea. In some cases, aid has made a real difference in reducing
poverty. What makes the difference is how the aid is used.
Where foreign assistance is misused, it is hardly beneficial. New
avenues have to be pursued to accomplish our overall goals in the economic
and social arena. We cannot undertake such a massive task just by
ourselves. We need to engage in a partnership with all aspects of
civil society.
We also face the challenge
to secure adequate financing to pursue all of our programs to provide services
to the international community. With these challenges facing the
organization, the most fundamental are the continued financial commitment
and active participation of all member states. One indicator of member
states’ commitment is how faithfully they support the organization by providing
the necessary resources to implement their collective agenda for one program
-- peace keeping.
Assessed contributions
are being received increasingly late and at times they are being withheld.
In October the membership owes the United Nations a total of $2.5 billion,
an amount equal to approximately two years of operating expenses.
Most worrisome is the realization that our most prominent member is our
largest debtor.
US OBLIGATION
Before the November
budget bill was enacted by the Congress, eighty-one percent of the total
debt and sixty percent of country debt for peacekeeping were owed by the
United States. That erodes the UN’s capabilities, at least in some
measure. The UN balance sheet has an asset receivable called amounts
due from major countries. There are three – the United States, the
Ukraine, and the Russian Federation. The Russian Federation has paid
off 80 percent of the amount they owed five years ago.
The UN owes 90 member
states $800 million worth of payments for the troops and equipment they
provided for peacekeeping missions. We have owed this debt for five
or six years.
There is, of course,
another problem based on the arrears package currently agreed upon by Congress,
that member states will have to accept. That is, a portion of the
money owed to the UN will have to write off, an amount somewhere near $600
million that the US will never be able to pay. That is a political
problem. The loss of U.S. participation is a major concern.
That would be a disastrous message to the rest of the world.
US ASSESSMENT
Another difficult problem
is to negotiate a reduction in the U.S. rate of assessment. The U.S.
share of Gross National Income is 27 percent. The U.S. share of the
regular budget assessment is 25 percent and for peacekeeping operations
the share is 31 percent. Japan pays 20 percent of the budget.
They are not on the Security Council, and if they were, they would not
have the veto. They are the largest contributor to many UN agencies.
On the issue of support
for peacekeeping, the U.S. has a reasonable concern. For one
country to pay 31 percent of the peacekeeping cost is excessive.
But the U.S. put itself in that position in 1973. This percentage
was agreed upon for which, in return, they won other consideration.
In the words of the
British Foreign Secretary, “The UN does wonders with the money we don’t
give it.”
Given all the challenges
that I outlined to you, I could only add that if the UN did not exist,
then it would have to be invented all over again.